vol. 5 núm. 9 (2023): enero - junio

Evo Morales, was chosen in 2005 and started his goverment in 2006, as a first indigenous president of Bolivia, started the process of the National Constituent Assembly, which was presented as the opportunity to re-found Bolivia on the basis of unity, equality and dignity, recognizing 36 original nations or indigenous peoples —who have represented more than 60% of the population in the country— with it he sought to end the political, economic, social and cultural conflicts that generated gaps of inequality and invisibility amongst indigenous communities for years, which culminated in the issuance of the Political Constitution in 2009. The new constitution implemented as state policy called “Vivir Bien” and a universal, productive, comprehensive and intercultural educationpolicy, among others, to generate higher education in rural areas, seeking social participation in response to needs. This article makes a documentary analysis of the notion of Vivir Bien and the intercultural higher education policy, and its application in the case of Bolivian Indegenous University “UNIBOL - Guaraní and indigenous peoples in lowland (Apiaguaiki Tüpa)” between 2008 and 2019.

This article takes a tour by the different aspects of school conflict identified in the development of the Program for School Coexistence - Hermes of the Bogotá Chamber of Commerce, in a school in the official sector of the city. Believe that educommunication is creative alternatives are presented for the peaceful resolution of conflicts at school, from the theoretical perspective of Communication for Social and Behavioral Change. Starts question about ¿How do educommunication actions helped to the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Isla del Sol school – cycle V? According to systematization of experiences Hermes Program propose it educommunication actions in favor the peaceful conflict resolution in youth school context.

After the peace agreements formed between the Government and the FARC, the focus is now shifted towards the regions to work on: the territorial peace embodied in said negotiation; and a search for healing from the conflict in each area of the country. This research derives from the need to glimpse the role of women in Tunja towards the construction of peace in the country. It is sought to capture an x-ray of the social representation of women’s peace in Tunja, the capital city of the department of Boyacá. This population does not have a history of armed conflict but reports a high rate of domestic violence. Through the case study, a methodology is carried out to study the narratives that arise from working women from the northern market place, one of the scenarios that most commonly portray the Tunjana and Boyacense society. This study inquiry into the experiences, concepts, and stories related to their work and family life manages to identify what peace they are looking for, as well as the facts that do not provide them peace and the contributions that they can make from their context for the culture of peace they want to build.

Many international efforts have been made for the purposes of controlling, reducing, and prohibiting nuclear weapons. While the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is the centerpiece of the current nuclear order, those most skeptical of the sustainability of nuclear deterrence advocate the establishment of a disarmament regime based on the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). Within the European Union, we can notice a disparity of positions on this issue, both among organs and member states, which hinders the adoption of a coherent strategy. Addressing the impact of relevant issues such as the war in Ukraine and nuclear-sharing, the article outlines the challenging situation in which the EU finds herself. The article reviews the evolution of the EU’s role as an emerging actor in the European theater, describes the main possible models of nuclear order, and analyzes the most relevant challenges that the EU currently faces; challenges both endogenous (the divergence between bodies and member states) and exogenous (the risks arising from the war in Ukraine and the Iranian nuclear program). The article argues that, both for the sake of maintaining the current non-proliferation regime and of facilitating universal denuclearization, the EU needs to urgently address these challenges and help strengthen the NPT.

In 2016, there was a renewal on the public debates surrounding the absent water law in Guatemala. The Guatemalan Congress received many law proposals amidst a public opinion outcry because of the socioenvironmental crisis that affects water sources in the country. The fact that the Government hasn´t approved a water law in thirty years, even though the 1985 Constitution demands one, is a flagrant water management issue. It is also an issue of power. This enquiry was based on a need to understand how the human rights to water debate was inserted in this context, the reasons and motives the parties that took part had to affirm the need to regulate on the matter, or, on the contrary, to omit it from the discussions. In this sense, the institutionalization of the human right to water is seen as a political and social process that reenacts the social and ideological divides that permeate Guatemalan society. The author based this work on a documentary review of the political context of 2016, an analysis of the technical content of a selection of water law initiatives from this ime, and also by carrying out a series of key interviews in order to properly understand the underlying social dynamics that affect the initiatives that push for proper legislation on this matter.

Colombia has extensive regulatory development on the subject of internal forced displacement, but when it comes to external or transnational forced displacement there are legal gaps and difficulties in the processes of comprehensive reparation for victims who are abroad, especially in the cases of women human rights defenders. In addition, in Colombia there is an invisibility of political exile. The objective of this research has been to know the right to international protection in cases of forced external displacement and the differential impacts that this type of violence has on the economic, social and political life of the women activists who belong to the Women’s Collective. Colombian Refugees, Exiles and Migrants in the city of Valencia Spain. The methodology of this qualitative research has been based on two main techniques. The first has consisted of documentary analysis and bibliographic review on the right to international protection in Spain and the normative development of forced displacement in the Colombian legal system from the perspective of gender in law. The second technique has consisted of carrying out semi-structured interviews with the members of the Collective of Colombian Refugee, Exiled and Migrant Women in the city of Valencia, Spain. As a result, it has become evident that there are gaps in public policies and international protection policies in Spain and Colombia to address cases of forced displacement abroad. In turn, these legal gaps come from international human rights law itself, because it has developed a concept of refuge, asylum and subsidiary protection with an androcentric approach.

In recent years, in philosophical and constitutional theory, social justice has been developed as a postulate that seeks to address and overcome the material differences that occur in a country. This is based on attention to the needs of the population with less accessibility to public services and with a record of limited satisfaction of their needs and rights. In this case, the present analysis allows to project a practical and precise evaluation of the public management that is developed in Peru, in particular, to evaluate if it is possible to build a social justice derived from a planned and financially and economically sustained action.