vol. 5 núm. 10 (2023): julio - diciembre

On the land border between Colombia and Panama lies the Darién Gap, a key point in Pan- American migration that has experienced a dramatic increase in the number of migrants who make the decisión to enter the jungle, known for its dangers, violence and presence of armed groups, in search of a better life. This study analyses humanitarian intervention in the context of the Darién Gap in response to the migration crisis and the applicability of the Humanitarian, Development and Peace nexus (HDP). Through a literature review and qualitative interviews with actors who are part of the humanitarian response, the relevance of the application of the nexus in the context is analyzed, as well as the need for the correct application of the three dimensions of the nexus. The context, characterized by the chronification of the crisis and a high turnover of migrants, responds to both short-term and long-term needs. The findings indicate deficiencies in coordination mechanisms, a negative impact of state neglect on development policies, and the crucial importance of social networks in migration flows. Although the humanitarian approach is essential, the need for development spaces and the implementation of the nexus, preserving humanitarian space and prioritizing compliance with humanitarian principles, is evident.

El impacto de la pandemia del COVID-19 en América Latina ha generado un aumento significativo de la pobreza extrema y la desigualdad, lo que conlleva a retrocesos en la lucha contra la pobreza y más obstáculos para alcanzar los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS). Al respecto, la ciudad de Bogotá implementó programas de apoyo para la reactivación económica y la protección social, pero el carácter limitado de los recursos plantea desafíos con respecto al fortalecimiento de los derechos laborales, la inclusión social y la sostenibilidad ambiental para una recuperación viable. El aumento histórico de la pobreza en Bogotá —como en otras ciudades de Latinoamérica— relacionado con un impacto devastador en el mercado laboral, sumado a la falta de acceso a servicios básicos como salud, vivienda y servicios públicos, ha generado problemas estructurales y desigualdades que dificultan el logro de los ODS. En respuesta, el gobierno de Bogotá ha implementado programas como Renta Solidaria y Mi Ahorro, Mi Hogar, con el propósito de reducir la pobreza y promover la igualdad de género, en concordancia con los ODS. Sin embargo, los problemas con el establecimiento de servicios de salud y el alcance de su distribución continúan. Al respecto, los informes voluntarios locales y los proporcionados por el gobierno de la capital son importantes para evaluar el progreso hacia los ODS. Asimismo, es necesario identificar los desafíos y ajustar las estrategias para alcanzar resultados más efectivos que permitan un mayor avance en la innovación pública. Al difundir los informes voluntarios de avances en los ODS, se promueve la transparencia y la colaboración entre ciudades. Allí, el análisis de cada contexto debe considerar sus desafíos y fortalezas, con el propósito de restaurar y superar las condiciones sociales, económicas y de desarrollo humano que se implementaban antes de la pandemia.

There seems to be an argumentative trap in the current international plans to achieve the Paris Agreement and the co-dependent targets of the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda. The reason is simple: the timeframes of these two policy initiatives overly limit attention to future generations; according to available estimates, many of the problems that are foreseen will not occur until after the timeframes of these policy plans. For this reason, the proposal we present here is to highlight some of the inconsistencies that make up this type of discourse. To do so, we provide concrete data on the impacts on the planet, people and their prosperity. Based on the conviction that comes from paying attention not only to the arguments but also to the data currently available, a triple reflection can be established: first, what is the consideration regarding the idea of well-being that is sought, even in spite of the new climatic circumstances; and second, what kind of political behaviour is likely to guarantee it, if this is possible, or, if not. A third reflection should seek to answer the question of what other discursive margins these socio-environmental and climatic difficulties place us in front of. These three questions will be the ones we will try to answer in a consistent manner, based on the critical analysis of the discourses referring to the subject we are dealing with, relying on the results that the dynamics of systems can provide us with through the use of different models of integrated evaluation which, based on the different relationships between the economic, energy, material and social dimensions, will help us to understand the potential of the different political decisions referring to the purposes of climate action and their consequences on the well-being of people at different levels: global and regional, as in the case of Latin America and the Caribbean, on which we will focus a large part of our conclusions in this regard.

The Petro government’s agenda on drugs poses a refocusing on the traditional and failed prohibitionist policy. The need to deepen the understanding of the convergences between cocaine drug trafficking and its impact on the Nation’s strategic environmental assets has been indicated. Thus, it is important to understand the levels of difficulty of coca in the natural areas of special protection, the National Natural Parks. In addition, a refocusing of the policy must be based on a greater and better understanding of the relevant variables to combat the crop phenomenon. That’s’ why, the multivariate spatial analysis model that has been built seeks to contribute to all these dimensions of politics.

Once the Political Constitution of 1991 was enacted, Colombia has given special protection to the environment, creating a series of mechanisms that can guarantee its integrity. However, despite the existence of regulations and public policies on this matter, it is evident the prioritization of a substantial content and weaknesses in its application, as in the case of the Suesca Lagoon, which has been presenting a progressive depletion in its water body, reaching a critical point in the year 2020, when it reduced its volume in a high percentage. From there arises the objective of the research, being to analyze the public policies aimed at the protection of the Suesca lagoon and its application in the municipality of Suesca Cundinamarca. To approach, this research a qualitative approach was used, and the legal-systematic research method was employed, which allows a comprehensive understanding of the phenomena under study in an integral way, together with the application of semi-structured interviews, whose analysis, focused on the measures adopted from the perspective of public policies aimed at the protection of the Suesca lagoon. These strategies showed that on the one hand, prevention has not been prioritized in terms of this water resource, giving way to mostly mitigation measures. On the other hand, the participation spaces that include the affected or interested population in the construction of such public policies are still incipient and demand greater attention and prioritization.

National development strategies undoubtedly affect the socioeconomic reality of the state. In this study we have analyzed extractivism (extraction and export of raw materials) in its modalities, classical extractivism and neo-extractivism, as strategies followed by Chile and Bolivia respectively. To carry out the analysis, macroeconomic data from both states have been compared in order to understand how extractivism works and its socio-economic consequences. All framed in the context of the debate on how the states of the global south can overcome underdevelopment.

This paper analyses the implication of the Iranian regime in the Yemeni Civil War as a pretext for the intervention of Saudi Arabia. First, with a sociology of power lens, we study the direct and indirect links and drivers between the Houthi rebels and Iran’s elites. Then, using qualitative methods of literature review and analysis of press sources, we look at the causes of the Saudi policy decision to enter Yemen as a means of expanding Prince bin Salman’s power and its popular support. Finally, we conclude that the Iranian role in Yemen is not enough for the Houthis to be its proxies, thus, we affirm that the Saudi prince magnified that to justify the war in order to keep its position in the internal power system.

In 2012, the attacks carried out by the islamist forces of Ansar Dine and AQIM in Timbuktu led to the destruction of several buildings and sacred places that were part of the cultural heritage of this city, which also has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1988. In an international war context such as the current one, the preservation of the cultural heritage of territories should be part of the strategy to be followed to achieve the SDGs. What is cultural heritage, what does it represent, how is it protected, and what role does it play in this case study, are some of the questions it seeks to answer through a review of a unique case that placed cultural heritage at the center of the international agenda, and which would later constitute the first sentence by the International Criminal Court for the destruction of cultural heritage.